Marquez and Colombian Terrorism by Ziel
Marquez depicts the unbelievable story of kidnapped characters orchestrated
by Pablo Escobar, head of the Medellin Drug Cartel, in a heroic and journalistic
style, which is powerful and disturbing. The terrorized survivors are prominent
residents of Bagota, Columbia held hostage during 1990 and 1991. The hostages
face terror in the interior of the Columbian government, the slums of Bagota
and inside the confines of their drug captors harborage. The abductions
of ten individuals by drug traffickers hoping to prevent their extradition
to the United States is intense and dramatic as the narrative shifts on all
levels. Marujas husband Alberto Villamizar, tries to regain her from
her captors over a six-month period, which is compounded by his fear of her
death. Maruja and Alberto are the central axis of Marquezs fiction book
New of a Kidnapping. He combines and the psychological
impact of the people involved using their testimony in a journalistic style.
He includes the Columbian governments response under President Cesar
Gavirias direction in dealing with the illegal drug trade.
The author, Gabriel Garcia Marquez, was born in Aracataca, Columbia in 1928.
He worked for a Columbian newspaper El Espectador as a foreign correspondent.
Marquez received a Nobel Prize in Literature 1982 and is a known left wing
political activist with strong political ties. So much so that In 1981,
Columbias Nobel Prize-winning author Gabriel Garcia Marquez was stripped
of his U.S. entry bias because he was a close friend of Fidel Castro, while
Pablo Escobar traveled freely and frequently to the United States.(Duzan
Pg, 23). Although Marquez is better known as a novelist, in 1983 Marquez started
a Colombian Newspaper, El Otro (The Other) in which he expressed his journalistic
accounts.
News of a Kidnapping was written in a three-year period following the
abduction of Maruja Pachon that reads like fiction, but it is all news, reported
as a journalist would report it. Throughout the book I use not one single
fact that is not truthful and documented, and the language that I use has
not one single metaphor so as to keep the austerity of language in journalism
(Pombo 457).(Pelayo, Pg.13) The history of the government is the basis
in which the Medellin Drug Cartel was enabled to become the most powerful
drug cartel in Columbian history. Illustrated by Marquez is the political
intricacies and hard to understand deep involvement of drug dealers in the
daily lives of people within the Columbian culture.
Pablo Escobar came to Congress
in 1982 as an alternate member of the House of Representatives from Antioquia
State in Medellin. As a stand-in for Jairo Ortega this membership gave him
the status of congressman with congressional immunity exempt from being
charged with crimes. (Duzan pg. 19) Escobar entered politics and formed an
alliance with Carlos Lehder who founded his own party a mixture of leftists
populism and rightist, pro-nazi rhetoric which was called the National Latin
Movement. Admitted to being a drug dealer in an interview on Caracol Radio
Network also heard in the United States. Crimes of which he mentioned took
place outside of Columbia, therefore, could not be prosecuted for his crimes
and he had been legitimized of his wealth due to a nationwide amnesty on tax
evaders. El Tiempo, the countrys largest newspaper lashed out at the
broadcast and the government began to investigate further into his activities.
The visibility through newspapers of the drug bosses became a national political
strategy. As they were interviewed they admitted the business that they were
in as if they were Hollywood Stars. (Duzan, Pg. 22) News coverage of the extradition
treaty approved was briefly mentioned. Carlos Lehder was extradited and tried
in 1987 in Jacksonville Florida sentenced in 1988 to life in prison on a drug
and conspiracy conviction. Journalists aren't the only targets in Colombia's
violence. But the rising threat against journalists has put in peril the right
of Colombians to be informed about a civil war rocking their nation. Frightened
reporters often soft-pedal news of the ongoing war. In cities, columnists
for big newspapers compare the climate of fear to the killing sprees in the
late 1980's under Medellin cartel boss Pablo Escobar. (Johnson). Interviews
revealing an unfavorable light on drug trafficking resulted in serious ramifications
to the reporter including kidnapping, blowing up their house or murder.
The first to disclose Escobars true profession was Luis Carlos Galan.
A young journalist who in 1979 founded the New Liberalism party in an effort
to revitalize and modernize the current corrupt liberal party. (Marquez pg.
15) Galan was opposed to drug trafficking and supported extradition of Columbian
nationals. Maruja Pachon was the sister of Gloria Pachon the widow of Luis
Carlos Galan. Mauruja worked on the campaign with Luis Carlos Galan, who began
to scrutinize Escobar and the Medellin splinter group with a plan to clean
out the bureaucracy. Galan publicly stated in Medellin that he did not support
persons whose fortunes were of questionable origin. (Duzan Pg.27) Unknowingly
Galan signed his own death warrant. This action marked the beginning of the
most violent chapters in Columbian history.
An interview with Escobar The Robin Hood of Medellin highlighted
his immense fortune and depicted a businessman of humble origins. There was
talk of his connection with drug dealing, however there was no proof. He clearly
had influences in high places within the regions of elite decision-makers.
The people of the country unknowingly viewed him as a wealthy man who improved
living conditions by giving handouts to the poor. Escobar had spread large
sums of money around the slum of Medellin, which stopped in 1983 when Escobars
drug activities caused him to be expelled from Congress. During the time period
of 1982 through 1984, Escobar was forced to go underground and was aided by
priests within the Catholic Church.
The Columbian custom officials suspected Escobar of being a drug dealer and
the findings on Escobars life since 1975 surfaced several arrests
and links to a string of drug related murders. However, charges against him
were always dropped. Clearly, he would murder his way to the top. To facilitate
new recruits into the business thereby gaining control, Escobar would begin
with a rumor of a cocaine shipment ready to be shipped out and a participant
could invest money. If the shipment was successful, profits were shared. If
it were lost, Escobar would reimburse the initial investment. Those members
of the upper class without moral consideration viewed the function as a stock
market.
The death squads are the first link to the cartels. There is an urban and
rural connection in violence. Cartels usually kill leftists. The paramilitaries
come from both the wealthy and the drug lords. The Extraditable
who were the armed unit of the drug dealers were willing to take any steps
deemed necessary against those who would counsel an international solution
such as extradition to face U.S. justice. (Duzan Pg. 35) They took action
and declared war on the oligarchy by blowing up banks, persecuting and kidnapping
of land owners.
In 1987, people began to recognize the malitia and cartel alliances. The guerilla
organizations sold protection to the cocaine entrepreneurs (Thoumi pg. 175).
In 1990, Medellin reached the height of chaos and violence. Approximately
fifteen people killed a day, 100,000 unemployed and 140,000 children did not
have access to education. Thus, people especially children were unknowingly
susceptible to the control of local drug dealers and corrupt government officials.
Further these master minded acts of terror and counter-terrorism by abduction,
torture, rape, murder are the cold invariant and disdainful purpose to dominate,
shame, and capaciously dispossess. Marquez communicates through the eyes of
the kidnapped victims, the contagion of moral corruption and the sum of these
elements sparking awareness of what terror looks like and is equivalent to
Columbia.
The Columbian government offered reduced sentences for voluntary surrendering
of drug dealers. On June 20th, 1991, with the help of Father Rafael Garcia
Herreros, Pablo Escobars' negotiated surrender included that Escobar would
stand trial for the assassination of Luis Carlos Galan. Escobar at his meeting
with Father Herreros, sent by Villamizar Marujas husband, expressed
his willingness to release Maruja Pachon once the surrender terms have been
arraigned. Villamizar received a message form Escobar in which he said
he would not release Maruja Pachon
that day but the next day,
May
20 at seven in the evening. After 193 days in captivity Maruja was released
by her kidnappers.
On July 5 1991, a new constitution was approved which banned extradition.
The existing congress was closed until a new body could be elected and formed.
(Thoumi Pg. 228) On July 22, 1992 Pablo Escobar fled from jail, which was
considered a breech of his agreement under which he surrendered. On December
2, 1993 the new government created a special police task force to re-capture
Escobar and determined his whereabouts by tracing a phone call (Marquez, Pg.
289). He was shot to death in a Medellin suburb by an eight-man team.
Columbia finally managed to dismantle the most vicious drug cartel in the
world who had been responsible for the death of 60,000 people within five
years including 1,000 policemen, 60 judges, 70 journalists, 1,500 leftists
union and political leaders, an attorney general, two cabinet ministers, four
presidential candidates, a governor, and several police chiefs. Escobars
tremendous fortune of more than three billion dollars had been drained by
the cost of the war spent on disbanding the cartel.
On September 2, 1997 in Medellin, the Administrative Department of Security,
Director-General Luis Enrique Montenegro Rinco, described the seizure of many
of deceased Pablo Escobar Gaviria's assets as a new blow to the infrastructure
of the Medellin drug cartels. We started to seize some of the assets
belonging to the deceased drug trafficker Pablo Escobar. The heirs will not
receive those assets, which will go to the state. Together with apartments,
garages, the buildings and properties located not only in Medellin but also
in Envigado. The government will continue seizing the assets belonging to
kidnappers and guerrillas. It is of no use to the country to hold the drug
lords in jails if they continue to have the money and the power to continue
to traffic drugs. These actions discourage them psychologically and economically.
(Montenegro Rinco).
What we can learn from reading fiction
is the immense impact of the drug epidemic that effects reach far beyond Columbia.
National and international politicians fighting the drug war must recognize
that the problem lies not only in drug trafficking but also in drug consumption.
As the illegal drug trade continues to grow, it fuels narco-terrorism; undermines
legitimate government institutions and leads to increasing violence. The affects
reach the core of the industrial world, poor producing nations, international
banking practices and multinational commerce. We can see by the history of
alcohol prohibition, which created gangsters while the gangsters spread the
contagious disease of moral corruption. The commodity of drugs lies within
the same category.
In 2000, armed opposition groups held mass kidnappings of civilians
and community leaders for ransom which were politically motivated. Violence
and torture often involving mutilation remains widespread in urban areas of
Columbia. It is suspected that several billion dollars flow to Columbia from
the drug trade alone. This drug money makes it possible to gain unprecedented
economic, political, and social power and influence as Escobar did in the
late 1970s. Gabriel Garcia Marquez said, We will rot alive, in
a war that cannot be won.
Works Cited
Duzan, Maria Jimena Death Beat: A Columbian Journalists Life inside
the Cocaine
Wars. Trans. Peter Eisner. New York: Harper Collins, 1994.
Johnson, Tim Dangerous Work: Journalisms Plight in Columbia
43 Have Been Slain in
the Past Decade Global NewsBank: Miami Herald .17th October, 1999
Marquez, Gabriel Garcia News of a Kidnapping. Trans. Edith Grossman.
New
York: Penguin Books, 1998
Monternegro Rinco, General Luis Enrique Security official comments
on seizure of
Pablo Escobar's assets. Global NewsBank. BBC Worldwide Monitoring,
2nd
September 1997.
Pelayo, Ruben Gabriel Garcia Marquez A Critical Companion. Connecticut:
Greenwood
Press, 2001
Thoumi, Francisco E. Political Economy and Illegal Drugs in Columbia/Francisco
E.
Thoumi. Studies of the impact of the illegal drug trade. 2 vols. Colorado:
L. Renner, 1995.
U.S. Congress. House. Committee on Government Reform. Subcommittee on
Criminal Justice, Drug Policy, and Human Resources. Getting U.S. Aid to
Columbia. October 12, 2000. Washington:
U.S. Government Printing Office, 2001 (Y4.G74/7:C 71/3)